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经济学人阅读｜扉页文章 The reckoning

时间：2010-01-16

经济学人是一本综合性新闻评论刊物，有商业、国家和地区、经济和金融、科学和技术五大类

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01.28｜经济学人阅读｜扉页文章 The reckoning

经济学人The Economist是一份英国的英文新闻周报，分八个版本于每周五向全球发行，编辑部位于伦敦，创办于1843年9月。

经济学人是一本综合性新闻评论刊物，有商业、国家和地区、经济和金融、科学和技术五大类。其中文章文风紧凑且严谨，对语言精准运用，展现出一种克制的风趣幽默，常运用双关语调侃。

经济学人对于英语考试的重要性不言而喻，其文章常常出现在雅思托福、SAT、GRE、GMAT、考研英语、四六级、MTI和CATTI的阅读理解真题中。

今天羚羊君（公众：aa-acad）给大家分享的是经济学人2021年01月16日期刊中扉页文章的第一篇：The reckoning

这篇文章阐述了为什么要弹劾特朗普的原因以及解决美国目前的分裂状态的方式。

想要阅读往期内容，可以在公众号右下角点击"更多资讯-长文阅读"进入专栏。

The reckoning

清算

In 230 years the House of Representatives voted for the president to be impeached just twice. In only 13 months it has doubled the total by indicting Donald Trump twice more. Now the Senate should issue another historical rebuke by making him the rst American president in history to be convicted.

在过去的230年里，众议院仅两次投票赞成对总统的弹劾。而在短短13个月内，它又两次起诉唐纳德·特朗普，使总统被弹劾的次数"翻了一番"。现在，参议院应通过使他成为历史上第一位被定罪的美国总统再次发起基于事实的控诉。

The article of impeachment that passed on January 13th accuses Mr Trump of inciting an insurrection (see United States section). Stand back, for a moment, and consider the enormity of his actions. As president, he tried to cling to power by overturning an election that he had unambiguously lost. First, he spread a big lie in a months-long campaign to convince his voters that the election was a fraud and that the media, the courts and the politicians who clung to the truth were in fact part of a wicked conspiracy to seize power. Then, having failed to force state ocials to override the vote, he and his henchmen whipped up a violent mob and sent them to intimidate Congress into giving him what he wanted. And last, as that mob ransacked the Capitol and threatened to hang the vice-president, Mike Pence, for his treachery, Mr Trump looked on, for hours ignoring lawmakers’ desperate pleas for him to come to their aid.

1月13日通过的弹劾条款指责特朗普煽动叛乱（请参阅美国部分）。回头想想，特朗普的作法影响巨大。作为总统，他试图通过推翻自己已明确败选的选举来执政。首先，他在长达数月的竞选活动中撒谎，以说服他的选民说选举是欺诈，并且说服他们相信：坚持真理的媒体、法院和政治人物实际上是邪恶的阴谋夺权的一部分。然后，由于未能迫使国家官员推翻选票，他和他的同伙们煽动了暴民，并派他们恐吓国会给了他想要的东西。最后，当暴民洗劫国会大厦并因为副总统彭斯的"叛变"而威胁要把他吊起来时，特朗普先生观望了几个小时，无视立法者寻求他的帮助的请求。

In a democracy, no crime is higher and no misdemeanour more treasonous. Mr Trump needs to be punished for betraying his oath as head of state. He must be prevented from holding ofce again—or he may well stand in 2024. And, in case someone is minded to copy him, he must serve as an example of how vehemently America rejects a leader who tramples its constitution.

Until this week the only attempt to hold Mr Trump to account for the storming of the Capitol had come from social-media companies, which had banned him from their platforms to prevent further violence before the inauguration of Joe Biden on January 20th. Although the fbi indeed warns that violence is a real risk, the likes of Twitter and Facebook would have done better by focusing on the president’s individual tweets and posts (see leader).

在民主国家里，没有比这更加严重的罪行了。特朗普先生因背叛国家元首的誓言而应受到惩罚。必须阻止他再度任职，否则他可能会在2024年东山再起。而且，为了防止有人想要模仿他，他必须作为一个案例，以此说明美国如何强烈反对践踏其宪法的领导人。

直到本周之前，唯一让特朗普先生对国会大厦的暴行负责的尝试是来自社交媒体公司，这些公司在1月20日乔·拜登就职典礼之前就禁止他进入社交媒体平台，以防止进一步的暴力。尽管联邦调查局确实警告说暴力是一种真正的风险，但像Twitter和Facebook这类的公司本可以更密切关注总统的个人po文和推文本的，他们本可以做得更好（请参见领袖）。

Outright bans will undermine politics. They appear arbitrary, because tech rms imposed them on the spur of the moment, having chosen not to block Mr Trump before. And they appear self-interested, because executives are open to the charge that they saw a chance to ingratiate themselves with the Biden administration or wished to quell anti-Trump mutinies among their progressive sta. Regardless of whether that criticism is fair, the fact that powerful, unelected businesspeople have been the rst defence against Mr Trump sets a bad precedent. It also res up his supporters’ grievances. If you try to exile the mob from politics rather than assimilate and tame it, you risk driving it into the arms of demagogues (see International section).

全面的禁言将削弱美国政治。这些禁言行为似乎是武断的，因为这些科技公司在从未封过特朗普号的情况下，把封号行为强加于眼下。他们的行为似乎是自私自利——这些公司的高管们面临这样的指控：他们看到了机会去迎合拜登政府并且他们希望能平息公司激进的员工的反叛情绪。不管这种批评是否公平，权力巨大而未经选择的商人是抵制特朗普的，这一事实开了一个不好的先例。这也增加了他的支持者们的不满。如果试图将暴徒从政治中驱逐走，而不是同化和驯服暴徒，则有将其驱逐到煽动者怀抱中的风险（请参阅国际部分）。

The proper place to defend the constitution is the venue the constitution itself provides: Congress. That is why the House was right to vote to impeach Mr Trump and why the Senate should move fast to convict him. Due process and the chamber’s procedural rules mean that hearings are virtually certain to take place after Mr Trump leaves oce. If so, two potential hurdles will stand in the way: the requirement to secure a two-thirds majority for conviction and the constitution itself.

The constitutional hurdle comes from conservative jurists who argue that a president cannot be tried once he has left oce. Although hearings against Ulysses Grant’s secretary of war for corruption went ahead after he had resigned, no president has been subject to impeachment after his term ended. Yet the framers cannot have intended presidents to be unimpeachable during the lame-duck period. If so, the commander-in-chief would be beyond the law precisely when the impossibility of being reelected meant that he or she might be most tempted to out it.

捍卫宪法的适当地点是依据宪法本身建立起来的场所：国会。这就是众议院有权对弹劾特朗普的人进行投票以及参议院应迅速采取行动对他定罪的原因。正当程序和内庭的程序规则意味着，在特朗普离开办公室后，几乎可以肯定人们会举行听证会。如果是这样，将会有两个潜在的障碍：获得三分之二多数票来定罪的要求以及宪法本身。

宪法上的障碍来自保守的法学家，他们认为总统一旦离开办公室就无法对其进行审判。尽管在辞职后对尤利西斯·格兰特（Elysses Grant）的战争部长进行了反腐败的听证会，但任期结束后，没有任何总统受到过弹劾。然而，宪法制定者不允许在竞选期内让计划竞选下一任的总统免于弹劾。如果允许这样做，那么当总统知道自己不能连任的时候，他或她会蔑视选举结果且凌驾法律之上。

The conservative-leaning Supreme Court may have to determine the answer. If it prevents a Senate trial, Congress must fall back on other, less satisfactory tools such as censure or banning Mr Trump from oce under the 14th Amendment for having “engaged in insurrection or rebellion”. If it allows a trial to go ahead, then the Senate should proceed immediately rather than leave Mr Trump to fester. Those who worry about impeachment obstructing Mr Biden’s plans for the rst 100 days during a national emergency are miscalculating. If Republicans do deals on covid-19 relief or an infrastructure bill, it will not be because Mr Biden’s party goes slow on impeachment. If necessary Congress could divide its day between the trial and the rest of its business.

倾向于保守的最高法院也许不得不明确最终的答案。如果它阻止了参议院的审判，国会必须求助于其他不那么令人满意的方式，例如谴责或禁止特朗普先生根据《第十四条修正案》参与“暴动或叛乱”。如果最高法院允许审判继续进行，那么参议院应立即执行，而不是让特朗普的做法进一步恶化。那些担心弹劾会阻碍拜登在国家紧急状态下的前100天计划的人的估计是错误的。如果共和党人以抗击疫情或基础设施法案的方式进行交涉，那么这样的阻碍就不会发生因为拜登政府在弹劾的问题上进展缓慢。如果有必要，国会可以在审判和其他事务之间分配好时间。

The political hurdle is not Mr Biden’s agenda but the fact that removing a president requires his party to turn against him. In the next Senate, at least 17 Republicans will have to abandon Mr Trump. Although that goal will be hard to meet, impeachment is still right. The principled arguments for convicting Mr Trump are unassailable. Many Republican senators detest the president and his constitutional vandalism. And many are still being personally threatened with violence by Mr Trump’s supporters.

They have more calculating reasons to convict Mr Trump, too. Impeachment is inescapably political, and this is their best chance to loosen the president’s malign grip on their party. Only one in six of his voters now supports the storming of the Capitol, but many of them still think the election was stolen, partly because, shamefully, Republicans have not dared to tell them the extent of Mr Trump’s lies. Now is the time to start.

政治上的障碍不是拜登的议程，而是击败其他党派总统这一事实要求他的政党去反对他。在下一届参议院中，至少有17名共和党人将不得不放弃特朗普先生。尽管这个目标很难实现，但弹劾仍然是正确的。对特朗普定罪的原则性论点是无懈可击的。许多共和党参议员讨厌总统和他的破坏宪法的行为。特朗普的支持者仍然对许多人构成暴力威胁。

他们也有更多的有根据的理由对特朗普先生定罪。弹劾不可避免地充满着政治意味，这是他们减少总统对政党的恶性控制的最佳机会。现在，他的选民中只有六分之一支持对国会大厦的狂轰滥炸，但其中许多人仍然认为选举的结果存在欺诈，部分原因是由于共和党人不敢告诉支持者们特朗普说谎的程度。而现在是时候开始了。

Mr Trump will never forgive those whom, like Mitch McConnell, the Senate leader, he judges to have failed him by acknowledging Mr Biden’s election victory. Having begun to move against him, they should nish the job. And there is history. They should think about how Mr Trump’s presidency will ultimately be judged, and their part in it. In the House ten Republicans voted for impeachment. Senators should follow their lead. The more the better, for the Republican Party and for America, too.

特朗普先生将永远不会原谅那些人，例如参议院领袖麦康奈尔，他承认拜登选举胜利并判定特朗普的败选。开始反对特朗普之后，他们应该完成好工作。并且他们应该从历史角度考虑最终将如何判定特朗普的总统任期，以及他们的职责。在众议院，十名共和党人投票赞成弹劾。参议员应遵循他们的领导。越遵循领导对于共和党和美国来说都越好。

And that leads to the last argument for Republicans to remove Mr Trump. His supporters argue that impeachment is divisive just when America needs to become united. That is self-serving and wrong. Nobody has sown discord as recklessly as Mr Trump and his party. You do not overcome division by pretending that nothing is wrong, but by facing it. Were Mr Trump to be convicted, the healing might genuinely begin.

这里我们讲讨论共和党人为何罢免特朗普的最后一个论点。他的支持者认为，在美国迫切需要统一时，弹劾是具有分裂性的。这样的观点是自私的、错误的。没有人像特朗普和他的政党那样轻率地传播着不和谐的论调。人们不能通过假装没有分裂去克服分裂，人们需要正面面对分裂的问题。如果特朗普被定罪，对美国的医治才可能真正开始了。

经济学人一般目录大纲：

The world this week：简单梳理本周的时事

Leaders：社论，对本周热点事件进行评论

Briefing：简报，对一个特定热点话题深度讨论

Letter：读者来信，对往期文章的评论

Sections：各大洲及中美英三国的本周热点事件报道

Business：商业新闻

Finances and economics：财经新闻

Science and technology：科技新闻

Books and arts：文化书籍，书评和文化现象讨论

Economic and financial indicators：商业及财经指数

Buttonwood：金融专栏